So, somebody recently asked me to do a Marxist–Leninist reading of the conservative-left party Bündnis Sahra Wagenknecht (BSW) the party is currently still operating under that name, though a potential rebranding is expected. I am half German, so I figured I would write a short, factual overview of what the party is, where it comes from, and how it positions itself.
We can discuss theory and critique in the comments afterward.
Quick Summary
- The” BSW” was created as a splinter group from “Die Linke”.
- Die Linke” itself is also the product of earlier mergers and splits in German left politics.
- The party was initially founded and led by Sahra Wagenknecht, but this was or is about to change.
- Wagenknecht is married to Oskar Lafontaine, former SPD leader and prominent figure in Die Linke. She grew up in the GDR and is half-Iranian.
- In the European Parliament, BSW sits with the Unified European Left (UEL), not GUE/NGL.
Sahra Wagenknecht: Background & Profile
Sahra Wagenknecht is one of the most prominent figures in German politics, known for her mix of left-leaning economic positions and culturally conservative messaging.
- ** Early life & ideology:**
Born in the GDR to an East-German mother and Iranian father, she entered the PDS (the post-SED party) in the early 1990s. Her early writings were more traditionally Marxist, though her later positions diverge sharply from orthodox Marxism.
- Career in Die Linke:
Served as Bundestag representative, economic spokesperson, and co-chair of the parliamentary faction. She became known for criticizing neoliberal reforms and EU austerity.
- Internal conflicts:
Repeated disputes with other factions of Die Linke, especially over migration, cultural politics, and foreign policy, led to her eventual split.
- Public image:
Combines left-wing economic rhetoric with conservative cultural critiques. Highly media-savvy and frequently on talk shows. She also writes a lot of books.
- Personal ties:
Her marriage to Oskar Lafontaine further ties her to older social-democratic and post-communist political networks.
The BSW: Ideological & Policy Profile
The BSW positions itself as a party for “social justice, economic stability, and common sense,” blending social-democratic economics with socially conservative themes.
- Economic Policy
Strongly interventionist; supports state regulation and higher taxes on the wealthy. Critical of privatization; favours re-municipalization of key services. Focus on cost-of-living issues, housing, and industrial decline. Pro-industrial strategy but anti-corporate in rhetoric.
- Social & Cultural Policy
Rejects identity politics and “lifestyle leftism.” More restrictive migration stance than most European left parties. Emphasis on social cohesion, stability, and communitarian values.
- Foreign Policy
Critical of NATO and U.S. foreign policy. Opposes weapons deliveries to Ukraine, favours negotiations and sanctions relief. Seeks restoration of economic ties with Russia (while officially condemning the invasion). Sceptical of deeper EU integration.
- Environmental Policy
Supports climate goals but rejects consumption bans and “eco-austerity.” Emphasizes technological investment over regulatory restrictions.
Controversies, Local-Level Behaviour & Criticism
- Local gains but conservative cooperation:
While BSW has achieved notable success in eastern state elections, it often cooperates with conservative or centrist parties at the local/state level, which critics view as inconsistent with its left-economic message .
- Strong anti-“woke” stance:
The party sharply criticizes identity politics, gender policies, and cultural liberalism. This appeals to certain working-class voters but alienates much of the traditional left.
- Accusations of pro-Kremlin alignment:
Opponents argue its Ukraine and NATO positions echo Russian narratives. These are political allegations; the party denies them, and verified evidence of Kremlin funding is lacking.
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There was some suspicion on who funded the party , German news and donation watch list one family (listed as Thomas Stanger) that donated millions to the party.
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Backlash over Ukraine-related remarks:
Wagenknecht has faced criticism for comments perceived as overly sympathetic to Russia or dismissive of Ukrainian concerns, though some viral claims are unverified or misrepresented.
The BSW is not a Marxist–Leninist party, nor does it claim to be its program is reformist, populist, and firmly within the framework of capitalist parliamentary politics.
Anyways, if you find something that is incorrect pls feel free to correct me. Also leave your comments and thoughts below.
N.B: This is in no way to promote this party. This post is more about informing people about it and critically discussing issues arising from such parties.
BSW is already going the way of “Your Party” in the UK, with addition of further legitimizing far right rhetoric, Wagenknecht despite all the good anti-imperialist pushback against the mainstream still did not dispute their narratives and tailed reactionary germans in the name of the “working class”. In fact your argument in favor of joining the BSW which also draws from old ostalgists (young east germans are majority caputred by germany’s various MAGA rip-offs) btw, is the same argument made by marxist who still are members in Die Linke.
BSW also doesnt have the party mechanisms to stop far right/maga communist types from infiltrating and capturing the party. Why waste our times doing the 20th version of the DSA “march through the institutions” electorialism bs, which keeps failing and failing, when you as a communist can actual try to build an actual communist party? The last ten years of pipelines, hiding power levels, making socialism “appealing to masses” via trickery, aesthetication of action, allowing every type of opportunism under guise of non-sectarianism and nebulous strategies and manifesting socialism instead of building it - has not worked and will not.
Communist parties in the west have done nothing to build socialism or create the conditions for revolution since the fall of the Soviet Union. Arguable even before.
Before we can build socialism, we need to overthrow the old order. For that we need agitation, populism, destabilisation and acceleration. The existing communist parties have not achieved this. If we stand by doing nothing or founding even more splinter communist parties we will be lost once a revolution arrives. Then it will be fascists seizing the reigns of any mass unrest or civil war.
What we need is to seize the narrative and rhetoric. That’s what a new populist party is better suited to do than a tiny party of old farts reminiscing about the old days.
Personally I’m very much vocally supporting a security apparatus for the party that can prevent any subversion from non-socialist populists joining. Also as a note the party has been thorough with their membership application process. I had to wait nearly a full year for it to be complete.
I agree with your assessment here:
I will always advocate for communists to join and support real communist parties instead of reformist socdem ones. That being said, this argument:
isn’t really relevant. The far right already have a party: they have the AfD, who are by far more electorally successful than the BSW. You don’t infiltrate and take over a weaker party when you already have a stronger one that is much more aligned with your views.
Even if they succeeded, the effect of that would only be to split the far right vote, instead of concentrating it behind the AfD, which is objectively a bad strategy.
I mean revisionists & pro-capitalist elements still take over socdem/socialist parties despite there being more pro-capitalist parties - the point is not splitting the vote but dismantling any vector of anti-west thought - and with sections of the german elite becoming more agreeable towards the afd…